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most sophisticated

  • 1 sophisticated

    [sə'fɪstɪkeɪtɪd]
    прил.
    1) утончённый, рафинированный, изысканный
    Syn:
    2) искушённый, изощрённый
    3) умудрённый ( опытом), опытный
    4) предназначенный для людей с тонким вкусом, отвечающий изощрённому вкусу, тонкий, замысловатый

    a sophisticated novel — роман для искушённого читателя; замысловатый роман

    5)
    а) сложный, сложно устроенный

    one of the most sophisticated of animal communication systems — одна из самых сложных систем коммуникации, используемых животными

    Sophisticated search techniques would be required to locate faint objects. — Для поиска слабо светящихся объектов потребуются (более) сложные методы.

    Syn:
    б) современный, передовой
    Syn:
    6) уст. фальсифицированный; вводящий в заблуждение, искажённый

    Our truths are half truths, or sophisticated truths. — Наши истины - это полуистины, или обманчивые истины.

    Англо-русский современный словарь > sophisticated

  • 2 ultimate

    (last or final.) último, final; definitivo
    tr['ʌltɪmət]
    1 (final) final
    2 (basic) esencial, fundamental
    1 (good) el no va más, el último grito; (bad) el colmo
    ultimate ['ʌltəmət] adj
    1) final: último, final
    2) supreme: supremo, máximo
    3) fundamental: fundamental, esencial
    adj.
    • final adj.
    • fundamental adj.
    • sumo, -a adj.
    • ultimo, -a adj.
    • último, -a adj.

    I 'ʌltəmət, 'ʌltɪmət
    1)
    a) (eventual, final) <aim/destination> final

    who has ultimate responsibility? — ¿quién es el responsable en última instancia?

    b) (fundamental, original) primordial, fundamental
    2)
    a) (utmost, supreme) < sacrifice> máximo, supremo
    b) ( most sophisticated) (journ)

    the ultimate sound system — lo último en sistemas de sonido, el no va más en sistemas de sonido (fam)


    II

    the ultimate (in something) — lo último en algo, el no va más en algo (fam)

    ['ʌltɪmɪt]
    1. ADJ
    1) (=final) [aim, decision, destination] final

    she will retain ultimate responsibility for budgets — ella será la responsable en última instancia de los presupuestos, ella tendrá la máxima responsabilidad sobre presupuestos

    2) (=greatest) [power, sacrifice] máximo; [control] total; [insult] peor

    the ultimate deterrent — (Mil) el mayor disuasivo

    3) (=best)
    4) (=basic) [purpose, truth, cause, source] fundamental, principal
    5) (=furthest) más remoto, extremo
    2.
    N
    * * *

    I ['ʌltəmət, 'ʌltɪmət]
    1)
    a) (eventual, final) <aim/destination> final

    who has ultimate responsibility? — ¿quién es el responsable en última instancia?

    b) (fundamental, original) primordial, fundamental
    2)
    a) (utmost, supreme) < sacrifice> máximo, supremo
    b) ( most sophisticated) (journ)

    the ultimate sound system — lo último en sistemas de sonido, el no va más en sistemas de sonido (fam)


    II

    the ultimate (in something) — lo último en algo, el no va más en algo (fam)

    English-spanish dictionary > ultimate

  • 3 ratio scale

    стат. шкала отношений, пропорциональная шкала (шкала с использованием действительных чисел, когда расстояние между объектами зафиксированы, равны и соразмерны; при этом в отличие от интервальной шкалы, определена абсолютная нулевая отметка шкалы, которой соответствует реальное значение признака (вес, длина), что позволяет устанавливать отношения пропорции)

    A ratio scale is the most sophisticated level of scale because it allows for the interpretation of one observation exceeding another not only by a certain amount, as in interval measurement, but also by a certain ratio, such as "twice as much" or "four times more". — Шкала отношений является наиболее сложной из шкал, т. к. она позволяет интерпретировать одно явление, превышающее другое, не только количественно, как при интервальном измерении, но также и в пропорциональном отношении, таком, напр., как "в два раза больше" или "в четыре раза больше".

    See:
    * * *

    Англо-русский экономический словарь > ratio scale

  • 4 superdollar

    сущ.
    1) эк., разг. сверхтвердый доллар* (характеристика американской валюты в 1980-х гг., когда ее курс был очень высок по отношению к валютам других стран)
    See:
    2) эк. супердоллар (фальшивые доллары, нелегально изготавливающиеся в Северной Корее на государственном уровне; были обнаружены в конце 1980-х гг., имеют чрезвычайно высокую схожесть с оригиналом)

    Superdollars are the most sophisticated counterfeit bill ever produced and undetectable even to currency experts. — Супердоллары являются самыми искусными фальшивыми банкнотами за всю историю человечества и нераспознаваемы даже экспертами.

    Syn:
    See:

    Англо-русский экономический словарь > superdollar

  • 5 eye-glazing

    ['aɪˌgleɪzɪŋ]
    прил.
    наводящий скуку; утомительный; непонятный

    an eye-glazing topic of little public appeal — скучная тема, не представляющая интереса для широкой публики

    To all but the most sophisticated trader, this is eye-glazing jargon. — Только самый искушённый трейдер может разобраться в этой тарабарщине.

    Англо-русский современный словарь > eye-glazing

  • 6 doodad

    n AmE infml
    1)

    Put that doodad in and then push the button — Вставь эту штуковину, а потом нажми кнопку

    2)

    The new dictionary of modern spoken language > doodad

  • 7 man of the world

    (a sophisticated man who is not likely to be shocked or surprised by most things: You can speak freely - we're all men of the world.) verdensmand
    * * *
    (a sophisticated man who is not likely to be shocked or surprised by most things: You can speak freely - we're all men of the world.) verdensmand

    English-Danish dictionary > man of the world

  • 8 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 9 Media

       The purpose of the media during the Estado Novo (1926-74) was to communicate official government policy. Therefore, the government strictly censored newspapers, magazines, and books. Radio and television broadcasting was in the hands of two state-owned companies: Radiodifusão Portuguesa (RDP) and Radiotelevisão Portuguesa (RTP). The first TV broadcasts aired in March 1957, and the official state visit of Queen Elizabeth II of Great Britain to Portugal was featured. The only independent broadcasting company during the Estado Novo was the Catholic Church's Radio Renascença. Writers and journalists who violated the regime's guidelines were severely sanctioned. Under Prime Minister Marcello Caetano, censorship was relaxed somewhat, and writers were allowed to publish critical and controversial works without fear of punishment. Caetano attempted to "speak to the people" through television. Daily program content consisted of little more than government-controlled (and censored) news programs and dull documentaries.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, censorship was abolished. As the revolution veered leftward, some sectors of the media were seized by opponents of the views they expressed. The most famous case was the seizure of Radio Renascença by those who sought to bring it into line with the drift leftward. State ownership of the media was increased after 25 April 1974, when banks were nationalized because most banks owned at least one newspaper. As the Revolution moderated and as banking was privatized during the 1980s and 1990s, newspapers were also privatized.
       The history of two major Lisbon dailies illustrates recent cycles of Portuguese politics and pressures. O Século, a major Lisbon daily paper was founded in 1881 and was influenced by Republican, even Masonic ideas. When the first Republic began in 1910, the editorials of O Século defended the new system, but the economic and social turmoil disillusioned the paper's directors. In 1924, O Século, under publisher João Pereira da Rosa, called for political reform and opposed the Democratic Party, which monopolized elections and power in the Republic. This paper was one of the two most important daily papers, and it backed the military coup of 28 May 1926 and the emergent military dictatorship. Over the history of the Estado Novo, this paper remained somewhat to the left of the other major daily paper in Lisbon, Diário de Notícias, but in 1972 the paper suffered a severe financial crisis and was bought by a Lisbon banker. During the more chaotic times after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, O Século experienced its own time of turmoil, in which there was a split between workers and editors, firings, resignations, and financial trouble. After a series of financial problems and controversy over procommunist staff, the paper was suspended and then ceased publication in February 1977. In the 1990s, there was a brief but unsuccessful attempt to revive O Século.
       Today, the daily paper with the largest circulation is Diário de Notícias of Lisbon, which was established in 1883. It became the major daily paper of record, but after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, like O Século, the paper suffered difficulties, both political and financial. One of its editors in the "hot" summer of 1975 was José Saramago, future Nobel Prize winner in literature, and there was an internal battle in the editorial rooms between factions. The paper was, like O Século, nationalized in 1976, but in 1991, Diário de Notícias was reprivatized and today it continues to be the daily paper of record, leading daily circulation.
       Currently, about 20 daily newspapers are published in Portugal, in Lisbon, the capital, as well as in the principal cities of Oporto, Coimbra, and Évora. The major Lisbon newspapers are Diário de Notícias (daily and newspaper of record), Publico (daily), Correia da Manha (daily), Jornal de Noticias (daily), Expresso (weekly), The Portugal News (English language weekly), The Resident (English language weekly), and Get Real Weekly (English language).
       These papers range from the excellent, such as Público and the Diário de Notícias, to the sensationalistic, such as Correio da Manhã. Portugal's premier weekly newspaper is Expresso, founded by Francisco Balsemão during the last years of Marcello Caetano's governance, whose modern format, spirit, and muted criticism of the regime helped prepare public opinion for regime change in 1974. Another weekly is O Independente, founded in 1988, which specializes in political satire. In addition to these newspapers, Portugal has a large number of newspapers and magazines published for a specific readership: sports fans, gardeners, farmers, boating enthusiasts, etc. In addition to the two state-owned TV channels, Portugal has two independent channels, one of which is operated by the Catholic Church. TV programming is now diverse and sophisticated, with a great variety of programs of both domestic and foreign content. The most popular TV programs have been soap operas and serialized novels ( telenovelas) imported from Brazil. In the 1990s, Portugal attempted to produce its own telenovelas and soap operas, but these have not been as popular as the more exotic Brazilian imports.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Media

  • 10 Language

       Philosophy is written in that great book, the universe, which is always open, right before our eyes. But one cannot understand this book without first learning to understand the language and to know the characters in which it is written. It is written in the language of mathematics, and the characters are triangles, circles, and other figures. Without these, one cannot understand a single word of it, and just wanders in a dark labyrinth. (Galileo, 1990, p. 232)
       It never happens that it [a nonhuman animal] arranges its speech in various ways in order to reply appropriately to everything that may be said in its presence, as even the lowest type of man can do. (Descartes, 1970a, p. 116)
       It is a very remarkable fact that there are none so depraved and stupid, without even excepting idiots, that they cannot arrange different words together, forming of them a statement by which they make known their thoughts; while, on the other hand, there is no other animal, however perfect and fortunately circumstanced it may be, which can do the same. (Descartes, 1967, p. 116)
       Human beings do not live in the object world alone, nor alone in the world of social activity as ordinarily understood, but are very much at the mercy of the particular language which has become the medium of expression for their society. It is quite an illusion to imagine that one adjusts to reality essentially without the use of language and that language is merely an incidental means of solving specific problems of communication or reflection. The fact of the matter is that the "real world" is to a large extent unconsciously built on the language habits of the group.... We see and hear and otherwise experience very largely as we do because the language habits of our community predispose certain choices of interpretation. (Sapir, 1921, p. 75)
       It powerfully conditions all our thinking about social problems and processes.... No two languages are ever sufficiently similar to be considered as representing the same social reality. The worlds in which different societies live are distinct worlds, not merely the same worlds with different labels attached. (Sapir, 1985, p. 162)
       [A list of language games, not meant to be exhaustive:]
       Giving orders, and obeying them- Describing the appearance of an object, or giving its measurements- Constructing an object from a description (a drawing)Reporting an eventSpeculating about an eventForming and testing a hypothesisPresenting the results of an experiment in tables and diagramsMaking up a story; and reading itPlay actingSinging catchesGuessing riddlesMaking a joke; and telling it
       Solving a problem in practical arithmeticTranslating from one language into another
       LANGUAGE Asking, thanking, cursing, greeting, and praying-. (Wittgenstein, 1953, Pt. I, No. 23, pp. 11 e-12 e)
       We dissect nature along lines laid down by our native languages.... The world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... No individual is free to describe nature with absolute impartiality but is constrained to certain modes of interpretation even while he thinks himself most free. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 153, 213-214)
       We dissect nature along the lines laid down by our native languages.
       The categories and types that we isolate from the world of phenomena we do not find there because they stare every observer in the face; on the contrary, the world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... We are thus introduced to a new principle of relativity, which holds that all observers are not led by the same physical evidence to the same picture of the universe, unless their linguistic backgrounds are similar or can in some way be calibrated. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 213-214)
       9) The Forms of a Person's Thoughts Are Controlled by Unperceived Patterns of His Own Language
       The forms of a person's thoughts are controlled by inexorable laws of pattern of which he is unconscious. These patterns are the unperceived intricate systematizations of his own language-shown readily enough by a candid comparison and contrast with other languages, especially those of a different linguistic family. (Whorf, 1956, p. 252)
       It has come to be commonly held that many utterances which look like statements are either not intended at all, or only intended in part, to record or impart straightforward information about the facts.... Many traditional philosophical perplexities have arisen through a mistake-the mistake of taking as straightforward statements of fact utterances which are either (in interesting non-grammatical ways) nonsensical or else intended as something quite different. (Austin, 1962, pp. 2-3)
       In general, one might define a complex of semantic components connected by logical constants as a concept. The dictionary of a language is then a system of concepts in which a phonological form and certain syntactic and morphological characteristics are assigned to each concept. This system of concepts is structured by several types of relations. It is supplemented, furthermore, by redundancy or implicational rules..., representing general properties of the whole system of concepts.... At least a relevant part of these general rules is not bound to particular languages, but represents presumably universal structures of natural languages. They are not learned, but are rather a part of the human ability to acquire an arbitrary natural language. (Bierwisch, 1970, pp. 171-172)
       In studying the evolution of mind, we cannot guess to what extent there are physically possible alternatives to, say, transformational generative grammar, for an organism meeting certain other physical conditions characteristic of humans. Conceivably, there are none-or very few-in which case talk about evolution of the language capacity is beside the point. (Chomsky, 1972, p. 98)
       [It is] truth value rather than syntactic well-formedness that chiefly governs explicit verbal reinforcement by parents-which renders mildly paradoxical the fact that the usual product of such a training schedule is an adult whose speech is highly grammatical but not notably truthful. (R. O. Brown, 1973, p. 330)
       he conceptual base is responsible for formally representing the concepts underlying an utterance.... A given word in a language may or may not have one or more concepts underlying it.... On the sentential level, the utterances of a given language are encoded within a syntactic structure of that language. The basic construction of the sentential level is the sentence.
       The next highest level... is the conceptual level. We call the basic construction of this level the conceptualization. A conceptualization consists of concepts and certain relations among those concepts. We can consider that both levels exist at the same point in time and that for any unit on one level, some corresponding realizate exists on the other level. This realizate may be null or extremely complex.... Conceptualizations may relate to other conceptualizations by nesting or other specified relationships. (Schank, 1973, pp. 191-192)
       The mathematics of multi-dimensional interactive spaces and lattices, the projection of "computer behavior" on to possible models of cerebral functions, the theoretical and mechanical investigation of artificial intelligence, are producing a stream of sophisticated, often suggestive ideas.
       But it is, I believe, fair to say that nothing put forward until now in either theoretic design or mechanical mimicry comes even remotely in reach of the most rudimentary linguistic realities. (Steiner, 1975, p. 284)
       The step from the simple tool to the master tool, a tool to make tools (what we would now call a machine tool), seems to me indeed to parallel the final step to human language, which I call reconstitution. It expresses in a practical and social context the same understanding of hierarchy, and shows the same analysis by function as a basis for synthesis. (Bronowski, 1977, pp. 127-128)
        t is the language donn eґ in which we conduct our lives.... We have no other. And the danger is that formal linguistic models, in their loosely argued analogy with the axiomatic structure of the mathematical sciences, may block perception.... It is quite conceivable that, in language, continuous induction from simple, elemental units to more complex, realistic forms is not justified. The extent and formal "undecidability" of context-and every linguistic particle above the level of the phoneme is context-bound-may make it impossible, except in the most abstract, meta-linguistic sense, to pass from "pro-verbs," "kernals," or "deep deep structures" to actual speech. (Steiner, 1975, pp. 111-113)
       A higher-level formal language is an abstract machine. (Weizenbaum, 1976, p. 113)
       Jakobson sees metaphor and metonymy as the characteristic modes of binarily opposed polarities which between them underpin the two-fold process of selection and combination by which linguistic signs are formed.... Thus messages are constructed, as Saussure said, by a combination of a "horizontal" movement, which combines words together, and a "vertical" movement, which selects the particular words from the available inventory or "inner storehouse" of the language. The combinative (or syntagmatic) process manifests itself in contiguity (one word being placed next to another) and its mode is metonymic. The selective (or associative) process manifests itself in similarity (one word or concept being "like" another) and its mode is metaphoric. The "opposition" of metaphor and metonymy therefore may be said to represent in effect the essence of the total opposition between the synchronic mode of language (its immediate, coexistent, "vertical" relationships) and its diachronic mode (its sequential, successive, lineal progressive relationships). (Hawkes, 1977, pp. 77-78)
       It is striking that the layered structure that man has given to language constantly reappears in his analyses of nature. (Bronowski, 1977, p. 121)
       First, [an ideal intertheoretic reduction] provides us with a set of rules"correspondence rules" or "bridge laws," as the standard vernacular has it-which effect a mapping of the terms of the old theory (T o) onto a subset of the expressions of the new or reducing theory (T n). These rules guide the application of those selected expressions of T n in the following way: we are free to make singular applications of their correspondencerule doppelgangers in T o....
       Second, and equally important, a successful reduction ideally has the outcome that, under the term mapping effected by the correspondence rules, the central principles of T o (those of semantic and systematic importance) are mapped onto general sentences of T n that are theorems of Tn. (P. Churchland, 1979, p. 81)
       If non-linguistic factors must be included in grammar: beliefs, attitudes, etc. [this would] amount to a rejection of the initial idealization of language as an object of study. A priori such a move cannot be ruled out, but it must be empirically motivated. If it proves to be correct, I would conclude that language is a chaos that is not worth studying.... Note that the question is not whether beliefs or attitudes, and so on, play a role in linguistic behavior and linguistic judgments... [but rather] whether distinct cognitive structures can be identified, which interact in the real use of language and linguistic judgments, the grammatical system being one of these. (Chomsky, 1979, pp. 140, 152-153)
        23) Language Is Inevitably Influenced by Specific Contexts of Human Interaction
       Language cannot be studied in isolation from the investigation of "rationality." It cannot afford to neglect our everyday assumptions concerning the total behavior of a reasonable person.... An integrational linguistics must recognize that human beings inhabit a communicational space which is not neatly compartmentalized into language and nonlanguage.... It renounces in advance the possibility of setting up systems of forms and meanings which will "account for" a central core of linguistic behavior irrespective of the situation and communicational purposes involved. (Harris, 1981, p. 165)
       By innate [linguistic knowledge], Chomsky simply means "genetically programmed." He does not literally think that children are born with language in their heads ready to be spoken. He merely claims that a "blueprint is there, which is brought into use when the child reaches a certain point in her general development. With the help of this blueprint, she analyzes the language she hears around her more readily than she would if she were totally unprepared for the strange gabbling sounds which emerge from human mouths. (Aitchison, 1987, p. 31)
       Looking at ourselves from the computer viewpoint, we cannot avoid seeing that natural language is our most important "programming language." This means that a vast portion of our knowledge and activity is, for us, best communicated and understood in our natural language.... One could say that natural language was our first great original artifact and, since, as we increasingly realize, languages are machines, so natural language, with our brains to run it, was our primal invention of the universal computer. One could say this except for the sneaking suspicion that language isn't something we invented but something we became, not something we constructed but something in which we created, and recreated, ourselves. (Leiber, 1991, p. 8)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Language

  • 11 Logic

       My initial step... was to attempt to reduce the concept of ordering in a sequence to that of logical consequence, so as to proceed from there to the concept of number. To prevent anything intuitive from penetrating here unnoticed, I had to bend every effort to keep the chain of inference free of gaps. In attempting to comply with this requirement in the strictest possible way, I found the inadequacy of language to be an obstacle. (Frege, 1972, p. 104)
       I believe I can make the relation of my 'conceptual notation' to ordinary language clearest if I compare it to the relation of the microscope to the eye. The latter, because of the range of its applicability and because of the ease with which it can adapt itself to the most varied circumstances, has a great superiority over the microscope. Of course, viewed as an optical instrument it reveals many imperfections, which usually remain unnoticed only because of its intimate connection with mental life. But as soon as scientific purposes place strong requirements upon sharpness of resolution, the eye proves to be inadequate.... Similarly, this 'conceptual notation' is devised for particular scientific purposes; and therefore one may not condemn it because it is useless for other purposes. (Frege, 1972, pp. 104-105)
       To sum up briefly, it is the business of the logician to conduct an unceasing struggle against psychology and those parts of language and grammar which fail to give untrammeled expression to what is logical. He does not have to answer the question: How does thinking normally take place in human beings? What course does it naturally follow in the human mind? What is natural to one person may well be unnatural to another. (Frege, 1979, pp. 6-7)
       We are very dependent on external aids in our thinking, and there is no doubt that the language of everyday life-so far, at least, as a certain area of discourse is concerned-had first to be replaced by a more sophisticated instrument, before certain distinctions could be noticed. But so far the academic world has, for the most part, disdained to master this instrument. (Frege, 1979, pp. 6-7)
       There is no reproach the logician need fear less than the reproach that his way of formulating things is unnatural.... If we were to heed those who object that logic is unnatural, we would run the risk of becoming embroiled in interminable disputes about what is natural, disputes which are quite incapable of being resolved within the province of logic. (Frege, 1979, p. 128)
       [L]inguists will be forced, internally as it were, to come to grips with the results of modern logic. Indeed, this is apparently already happening to some extent. By "logic" is not meant here recursive function-theory, California model-theory, constructive proof-theory, or even axiomatic settheory. Such areas may or may not be useful for linguistics. Rather under "logic" are included our good old friends, the homely locutions "and," "or," "if-then," "if and only if," "not," "for all x," "for some x," and "is identical with," plus the calculus of individuals, event-logic, syntax, denotational semantics, and... various parts of pragmatics.... It is to these that the linguist can most profitably turn for help. These are his tools. And they are "clean tools," to borrow a phrase of the late J. L. Austin in another context, in fact, the only really clean ones we have, so that we might as well use them as much as we can. But they constitute only what may be called "baby logic." Baby logic is to the linguist what "baby mathematics" (in the phrase of Murray Gell-Mann) is to the theoretical physicist-very elementary but indispensable domains of theory in both cases. (Martin, 1969, pp. 261-262)
       There appears to be no branch of deductive inference that requires us to assume the existence of a mental logic in order to do justice to the psychological phenomena. To be logical, an individual requires, not formal rules of inference, but a tacit knowledge of the fundamental semantic principle governing any inference; a deduction is valid provided that there is no way of interpreting the premises correctly that is inconsistent with the conclusion. Logic provides a systematic method for searching for such counter-examples. The empirical evidence suggests that ordinary individuals possess no such methods. (Johnson-Laird, quoted in Mehler, Walker & Garrett, 1982, p. 130)
       The fundamental paradox of logic [that "there is no class (as a totality) of those classes which, each taken as a totality, do not belong to themselves" (Russell to Frege, 16 June 1902, in van Heijenoort, 1967, p. 125)] is with us still, bequeathed by Russell-by way of philosophy, mathematics, and even computer science-to the whole of twentieth-century thought. Twentieth-century philosophy would begin not with a foundation for logic, as Russell had hoped in 1900, but with the discovery in 1901 that no such foundation can be laid. (Everdell, 1997, p. 184)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Logic

  • 12 make

    1. I
    the ebb was making начинался отлив; the tide making we weighed anchor во время прилива мы бросили якорь
    2. II
    1) make in some manner this toy makes easily эту игрушку легко сделать: hay ought to make well [in this drying breeze] [на таком сухом ветерке] сено должно хорошо просушиться /сохнуть/
    2) make somewhere make upstream (downstream) идти /плыть/ вверх (вниз) по течению
    3) make in some manner the tide is making fast вода быстро прибывает; winter is making earnestly наступает настоящая зима
    4) make in some manner make well (poorly, etc.) хорошо и т. д. зарабатывать; he always makes pretty handsomely он всегда недурно зарабатывает
    3. III
    1) make smth. make machines (tools, paper, chairs, hats, etc.) делать /производить/ машины и т. д., make bricks делать /обжигать/ кирпичи; make a boat (a bridge, a house, a road, etc.) (подстроить лодку и т. д.: make a dress (a coat, a blouse, etc.) делать /шить/ платье и т. д.; make a film снимать фильм: make lunch (jelly, a good supper, etc.) делать /готовить/ завтрак и т. д., make coffee варить кофе; make tea заварить чай; make bread (ис-)печь хлеб; make a garden (a park, flower-beds, etc.) разбивать сад и т. д.; make hay косить траву: make a path делать /прокладывать/ дорожку: where will they make a camp? где они раскинут /разобьют/ лагерь?; make beds стелить /заправлять/ постели; make a fire разжигать камин или раскладывать костер; make nests вить гнезда; beavers make their holes бобры роют норы
    2) make smth. make one's reputation (one's name) создать себе репутацию (имя); make smb.'s character формировать чей-л. характер; make one's own life строить свой собственную жизнь, самостоятельно строить свой жизнь; make haste торопиться; make progress делать успехи; make preparations делать приготовления; make plans разрабатывать / вынашивать/ планы; he is making plans to go away он собирается /намеревается/ уехать; who made this ridiculous rule? кто придумал это глупое правило?; make war вести войну, воевать; are they willing to make peace? a) они согласны заключить мир?; б) они готовы примириться? || make a stand занимать принципиальную позицию: make love а) ухаживать; говорить ласковые слова; б) ласкать, заниматься любовью
    3) make smb., smth. one big deal made the young man молодой человек добился успеха благодаря лишь всего одной крупной сделке; hard work made him он добился успеха упорным трудом; wars made and unmade this country эта страна возвеличилась благодаря войнам, и они же привели ее к гибели; industry has made Manchester Манчестер превратился в важный центр благодаря развитию промышленности
    4) make smth. make trouble (a fuss, a mess, etc.) создавать неприятности и т. д.; he made a terrible to-do он устроил ужасный скандал; don't make noise не делай шума, не шуми; make a change (a disturbance, a panic, etc.) вызывать изменение и т. д., make mischief а) наносить вред; б) шалить, безобразничать; this makes a great difference это совсем другое дело; it makes no difference это ничего не меняет. это все равно; make a great hit coll. иметь огромный успех
    5) make smth. make eighty miles (five kilometres, etc.) сделать / пройти/ восемьдесят миль и т. д.; make twenty knots идти со скоростью двадцать узлов; make good time а) идти /двигаться/ с хорошей скоростью; б) sport. показать хорошее время
    6) make smth. соll. make port (harbour, home, land, one's destination, etc.) добираться до /достигать/ порта и т. д., he's tired out, he'll never make the summit он уже выдохся, ему ни за что не добраться до вершины; make the tram (the bus, the next flight, etc.) успевать на /поймать/ трамвай и т. д.; I had hoped to get to the meeting but I found at the last minute that I couldn't make it я надеялся попасть на собрание, но в последнюю минуту понял, что не успею
    7) make smth. make good grades получать хорошие отметки, хорошо учиться; make the highest score получить больше всего очков; who made the score? кто выиграл /победил/?; I doubt whether he will make much сомневаюсь, чтобы он мог многого добиться, вряд ли он мог многого добиться, вряд ли он многого добьется; those plants will not make much, the soil is too poor эти растения не пойдут /не будут хорошо расти/, здесь плохая почва; do you think a table this wide can make the doorway? вы думаете такой ширины стол пройдет в дверь?; make the team (the best-seller list, the first ten, etc.) попасть в команду и т. д.; this news made the front page это известие поместили на первой полосе [газеты] || make it добиться успеха; make one's point доказать свою течку зрения; has he made his point? понятно, что он хотел сказать?
    8) make smth. make a good salary (three pounds a week, a profit, etc.) получать хорошее жалованье и т. д.; make a living зарабатывать на жизнь; make money а) зарабатывать деньги; б) разбогатеть; make a fortune приобрести состояние; make a loss потерпеть /понести/ убыток; make smb. make friends приобрести /завеете/ друзей; make enemies нажить врагов
    9) make smth. one hundred pence make a pound сто пенсов составляют фунт; twelve inches make one foot в одном футе двенадцать дюймов; that makes 40 cents you owe me итак, ты мне должен сорок центов; this made his tenth novel это был уже его десятый роман; how many people make a quorum? сколько человек требуется /необходимо/ для кворума?; how many players make а, football team? сколько человек в футбольной команде?; will you make one of the party? не составите ли вы нам компанию?, не присоединитесь ли вы к нам?; "mouse" makes "mice" in the plural множественное число от "mouse" - "mice"
    10) make smth. make a will (a deal of transfer, a promissory note, a bill of exchange, etc.) составлять завещание и т. д.; make a list составлять список; make a report написать отчет, подготовить доклад; make a contract (a bargain, an agreement, etc.) заключать /подписывать/ контракт и т. д.
    11) semiaux make smth. make a stop остановиться, сделать остановку; make a landing сделать посадку; make a pause сделать паузу; make a move а) стронуться с места, двинуться; it's ten o'clock, it's time we made a move уже десять часов, нам пора двигаться / отправляться/; don't make a move! ни с места!, не двигаться!; б) сделать ход; make a start начать; make a good start положить хорошее начало; make an early start рано отправиться в путь; make a jump прыгнуть; make a sign сделать /подать/ знак; make a bow поклониться; make a curtsey сделать книксен; make a call а) нанести короткий визит; I have to make a few calls мне надо забежать в несколько мест: б) позвонить по телефону; let me make a call first разрешите мне сначала позвонить по телефону; make a trip совершать /предпринимать/ поездку; make a speech произнести речь, выступить с речью; make an offer /а proposition/ внести предложение, предложить; make a proposal сделать предложение, предложить выйти замуж; make an answer /а reply/ дать ответ, ответить; make a denial отклонять; опровергать, помещать опровержение; make a joke отпустить шутку; make a complaint (по)жаловаться; make a vow дать клятву, поклясться; make a choice выбирать, делать выбор; make a mistake сделать /допустить/ ошибку, ошибиться; make inquiries наводить справки; make a sacrifice приносить жертву, жертвовать; make room /place/ подвинуться, освободить место; make way освободить дорогу /путь/, отойти в сторону; make a face скорчить рожу, гримасничать
    12) aux make smb. make a lawyer (a good teacher, a bad farmer, a waiter, an excellent husband, etc.) быть хорошим юристом и т. д., he makes a good carpenter он хороший плотник: he made a very poor musician из него получился очень плохой музыкант; one good verse doesn't make a poet одно хорошее стихотворение еще не дает права называться поэтом; he and his cousin would make a handsome couple он и его кузина составляют прекрасную пару; make smth. cold tea makes an excellent drink холодный чай make прекрасный напиток; dry wood makes a good fire сухое дерево хорошо горит; that makes a good answer! вот хороший ответ!; this makes no sense в этом нет никакого смысла; это бессмысленно; these plays (their letters to each other, etc.) make pleasant reading эти пьесы и т. д. приятно читать; his adventures make all exciting story рассказ о его приключениях слушаешь с волнением
    4. IV
    1) make smth. in some manner make smth. quickly (eventually, inevitably, unhesitatingly, etc.) делать что-л. быстро и т. д.; make smth. lawfully (scientifically. delicately, persistently, etc.) делать /осуществлять/ что-л. на законных основаниях и т. д.
    2) make some distance in some time make 200 miles an hour (ten miles a day, etc.) делать двести миль в час и т. д.; we made only three miles that day в тот день мы прошли /проделали/ только три мили; some airplanes can make over 500 miles an hour скорость некоторых самолетов превышает пятьсот миль в час
    3) make smth. at some time he will never make much он никогда не добьется успеха
    4) make sonic money in some time make L 2000 a year зарабатывать /получать/ две тысячи фунтов в год; how much money do you make a week (a month, a year, etc.)? сколько [денег] вы получаете /зарабатываете/ в неделю и т. д.?
    5. V
    1) make smb. smth. make him a new toy (her a dress, the children a swing in the garden, etc.) сделать ему /для него/ новую игрушку и т. д., make her a cup of tea приготовь /подай/ ей чашку чаю
    2) make smth. smth. make it a rule взять [что-л.] за правило; he made it a rule to get up early он взял себе за правило рано вставать; make it one's business считать это своим делом; don't make cheating a practice не привыкай обманывать; he made a certificate his object он поставил себе целью получить диплом
    3) make smb. smb. make smb. one's heir (him king, a page knight, him a teacher, etc.) сделать кого-л. своим наследником и т. д., make a priest a bishop возвести священника в сан епископа; make smb. a judge (one's spokesman, one's special envoy, etc.) назначать кого-л. судьей и т. д., they made him chairman его выбрали председателем; make a colonel general присвоить /дать/ полковнику звание генерала; произвести полковника в генералы; make smb. a duke (a peer, etc.) дать /пожаловать/ кому-л. титул герцога и т. д., he intended to make his son a barrister (a soldier, a carpenter, etc.) он хотел, чтобы его сын стал адвокатом и т. д.; he made her his wife он сделал ее своей женой, он женился на ней; make smb. prisoner взять кого-л. в плен; make oneself a martyr сделать из себя мученика, пойти на муки; make this character an important person (Hamlet a figure of tragic indecision, Shylock a tragic figure, her a figure of fun, etc.) делать из этого персонажа значительную личность и т. д.
    4) make smth. smth. add one more egg and make it a round dozen прибавь еще одно яйцо, и будет /получится/ дюжина
    5) make it smth. shall we make it Tuesday? договоримся на вторник?; can you come at six? - make it half past вы можете прийти в шесть? - Лучше условимся на половину седьмого; I shall make it tomorrow я договорись на завтра
    6) make smth. smth. make the distance about 70 miles полагать /считать/, что расстояние равно примерно семидесяти милям; I make the total about L 50 по-моему, общая сумма составит фунтов пятьдесят; how large do you make the crowd? как вы думаете, сколько в этой толпе человек?; what do you make the time? сколько, по-вашему, сейчас времени?; what time do you make it? - I make it half past four сколько сейчас времени, по-вашему? - Мне кажется, что сейчас примерно половина пятого
    7) semiaux make smb. smth. make smb. an offer (one or two attractive proposals, a bid for the antique table, etc.) сделать кому-л. какое-л. предложение и т. д.; I made her a present of the vase я подарил ей эту вазу; he made me a sign он сделал /подал/ мне знак; she made him a face она скорчила ему рожу
    8) 0 make smb. smb. she will make him a good wife (a good mother, a loyal friend, etc.) она будет ему хорошей женой и т. д.; make smb. smth. this cloth will make me a good suit из этого отреза мне выйдет хороший костюм
    6. VI
    1) make smb., smth. be of some nudity his upbringing made him selfish воспитание сделало его эгоистом; her eyes made her beautiful глаза делали ее прекрасной; he was trying to make himself agreeable он старался быть приятным; we shall try to make your stay here agreeable мы постараемся [сделать так], чтобы ваш визит сюда доставил вам удовольствие; make oneself responsible взять на себя ответственность; make children immune against this disease создать /выработать/ у детей иммунитет против /к/ этой болезни; this portrait makes him too old на портрете он выглядит гораздо старше [, чем он есть на самом деле]; this opera made him immortal эта опера принесла ему бессмертие; make his novels (the song, this new theory, the actress, etc.) popular (famous) сделать его романы и т. д. популярными, создать /принести/ популярность (славу) его романам и т. д.; don't stand about doing nothing - make yourself useful не стойте без дела, помогите [нам]; you've made my nose too big вы нарисовали мне слишком большей нос; make smb., smth. be in some state make smb. happy (rich, poor, etc.) сделать кого-л. счастливым и т. д., make the prisoners free освободить заключенных; make oneself comfortable удобно устроиться; they are coming, make yourselves ready они приближаются, будьте готовы; she is seeing it for the first time, we must make her ready такое она увидит впервые, надо ее подготовить; make smb. angry рассердить кого-л.; her answers made him furious ее ответы взбесили его: make smb. sick a) вызывать у кого-л. тошноту; what made you sick? отчего вам стало плохо?; б) coll. раздражать кого-л.: your questions make me sick мне надоели ваши вопросы, меня тошнит от ваших вопросов; hot weather makes some people sleepy в жару некоторых людей клонит ко сну; it will make you ridiculous in their eyes это выставит вас в смешном свете в их глазах; make it flat сплющить что-л. || make it worth smb.'s while компенсировать кому-л. что-л.; if you help me with this job I'll make it worth your while если вы поможете мне в этом [деле], я в долгу не останусь / вы не будете внакладе/: make oneself (one's point) clear ясно излагать свои мысли (аргументы)
    2) make smb. be in some state what makes you so late? что вас так задержало?, отчего вы так опоздали?; it made her more careful после этого она стала осторожнее
    7. VII
    1) make smb., smth. do smth. make smb. stop (go, laugh, cry, sign a statement, repeat a story, fall asleep, etc.) заставить кого-л. остановиться и т. д.: they made me feel ashamed они меня смутили; make smb. understand а) заставить кого-л. понять; б) дать кому-л. понять; don't make me do it не вынуждай меня это делать / к этому/; I can make him believe anything I choose я могу убедить его в чем угодно; it makes me think you are right это убеждает меня в вашей правоте; I can't make anyone hear не могу достучаться или дозваться, дозвониться к кому-л.; make an engine start завести мотор; make the kettle boil вскипятить чайник; make water boil довести воду до кипения; I can't make the fire burn никак не могу разжечь костер или развести огонь; what makes the grass grow so quickly? отчего трава растет так быстро?; the wind made the bells ring колокольчики звенели на ветру: onions make our eyes smart от лука [у нас] щиплет глаза; his account made our hair stand on end от его рассказа у нас волосы встали дыбом || make smth. do обходиться чем-л.: there is not much money but I'll make it do денег немного, но я постараюсь, чтобы их хватило; I shall have to make this coat do for a bit longer придется еще немного походить в старом пальто id make both ends meet сводить концы с концами
    2) make smb. do smth. most of the chronicles make the king die in 1026 согласно большинству хроник король умер в тысяча двадцать шестом году; some scholars make Homer come from one city, others from another ученые спорят о месте рождения Гомера
    8. IX
    make smth., smb. done make the results (the news, his arrival, the invention, etc.) known обнародовать результаты и т. д., сообщить о результатах и т. д., make smth. felt сделать что-л. ощутимым; make oneself known а) назвать себя; б) заставить о себе говорить, заявить о себе, добиться известности; make him known to my father познакомить его с моим отцом, представить его моему отцу; make oneself understood ясно изъясняться; сан you make yourself understood in English? вас понимают, когда вы говорите по-английски?; he couldn't make himself /his voice/ heard above the noise of the traffic он не мог перекричать уличный шум, его не было слышно из-за уличного шума; we must make him respected необходимо вызвать к нему уважение /заставить людей уважать его/
    9. XI
    1) be made somewhere be made in England (in France, etc.) производиться /выпускаться/ в Англии и т. д. ; made in USSR сделано в СССР; be made in a factory производиться /делаться/ на фабрике; be made of (with, from, into) smth. be made of wood (of silk, of plastic, etc.) быть [сделанным] из дерева и т. д., this cloth is made of cotton эта ткань делается из хлопка; what is this made of? из чего это сделано?; а bow is made of stick and string лук делается из палки и бечевки; cheese is made from milk (cereal is made from grain, rubber is made from sap, etc.) сыр делают из молока и т. д., gas is made from coal газ производят из каменного угля; wool is made into cloth из шерсти делают /ткут/ ткань; grapes are made into raisins из винограда сушат изюм; the skin of the walrus is made into leather из шкуры моржа выделывают кожу; their food is always made with garlic в пищу они всегда добавляют чеснок; I like my coffee made with milk я люблю кофе [приготовленный] с молоком; be made for smb., smth. these houses are made for our workers эти дома построены для наших рабочих; this hat was made for you эту шляпку сделали [специально] для вас; this car is made for speed эти автомашины производятся специально для скоростной езды; be made with /by/ smth. this can be made with a knife это можно сделать ножом; this tool is made by a very intricate process изготовление этого инструмента сопряжено с большими сложностями; this thing is made by hand (by machinery) эту вещь делают вручную (на машине); be made by smb., smth. this was made by my friend это сделал (построил, создал и т. п.) мой друг; these experiments are made by robots эти опыты выполняют роботы; this grotto was not made by nature, it was made by man это не естественный грот, он создан человеком || be made to order (to measure) быть сделанным /сшитым/ на заказ; all his clothes are made to order он шьет все свои вещи [у портного], он делает все свои вещи на заказ id be made of different stuff быть совсем другим человеком, make быть сделанным из другого теста; let them all see what you are made of пусть все видят, что ты за человек /чего ты стоишь/; а first-class job was made of his house его дом прекрасно отремонтировали
    2) be made the decision is made решение вынесено; be made at some time unless a move is made very soon, it will be too late если в ближайшее время что-либо не сделают, будет слишком поздно; be made by smb. the first move was made by my brother первый шаг сделал мой брат; be made of smth. effective use was made of this money эти деньги были потрачены с пользой; be made for smth. these rules were made for a special purpose эти правила были составлены с особой целью; be made to do smth. the regulations were made to protect children эти правила созданы /выработаны/ для защиты детей || note should be made следует обратить внимание; а careful note should be made of what he says нужно внимательно отнестись /прислушаться/ к тому, что он говорит
    3) be made smb. he was made commander-in-chief (general manager, president of the club, a judge, etc.) его назначили главнокомандующим и т. д., he was made an officer его произвели в офицеры; he was made a knight он был посвящен в рыцари; he was made prisoner его взяли в плен; be made by smb., smth. the recommendation was made by the committee эта рекомендация была предложена комиссией; the writer was made by his first book с первой же книги его признали настоящим писателем; be made for smb. they are made for each other они созданы друг для друга
    4) be made to be of some state be made known придать гласность; the results are to be made known on application результаты сообщают, если подано соответствующее заявление; the full story was never made public все подробности этой истории так и не стали достоянием общественности; be made about smth., smb. much fuss has been made about it (about the affair, about her, etc.) вокруг этого и т. д. была поднята большая шумиха; be made to do smth. the pupil was made to write his biography (to speak up, to stay after lessons, etc.) ученика заставили написать свою биографию и т. д.; the crowd was made to disperse толпу разогнали; these two statements cannot be made to agree эти два заявления противоречат друг другу
    5) be made on (out of, by, etc.) smth. how much will be made on the business? какой доход будет получен от этого предприятия /даст это предприятие/?; а good deal of capital will be made out of this это принесет солидный капитал: I have по desire for money that has been made by dishonest means я не хочу брать деньги, заработанные нечестным путем
    6) be made of smth. nothing could be made of the scribble in his note books (of her note, of his mumbling, etc,) ничего нельзя было понять из каракулей в его тетради и т. д.
    7) be made with smb. a treaty has been made with other countries был заключен договор с другими странами
    10. XII
    have smth. made for smth. I must have a coat made for the winter мне нужно отдать сшить зимнее пальто
    11. XIII
    1) || make believe делать вид; he made believe to work hard (to throw a ball, not to know anything, etc.) он делал вид, что он усердно работает и т. д., make believe to be a scholar воображать себя ученым
    2) semiaux make to do smth. he made to go он хотел было уйти; he made to stop me он попытался было остановить меня; he made to snatch her bag он рванулся вперед, чтобы вы хватить у нее сумку
    3) · make do with (without, on) smth. I will have to make do with cold meat for dinner (with a very short holiday, with an old wireless set, etc.) мне придется довольствоваться холодным мясом вместо обеда и т. д.; I shall have to make do without a coat придется мне обойтись без пальто; I don't know how she makes do on so small an income не знаю, как она сводит концы с концами при таком небольшом заработке; I shall make do on biscuits and cheese сыра и галет мне будет достаточно
    12. XV
    1) || make good coll. добиться успеха; I never believed that he would make good я никогда не верил, что он чего-нибудь добьется; talent and education are necessary to make good in this field чтобы добиться успеха в этой области, необходимы талант и образование
    2) || make good smth. оправдывать что-л.; he made good his promise он выполнил /сдержал/ свое обещание; she made good her claims она доказала справедливость или законность своих притязаний: you will have to make good your boast тебе придется доказать, что это не пустое хвастовство; make good its title tic) be ranked as an independent science обосновать /доказать/ свое право считаться самостоятельной наукой; make good the damage (the shortage, the loss, etc.) возмещать убытки и т. д. ; any money that you cannot account for you will have to make good тебе придется возместить /вернуть/ все деньги, за которые ты не сумеешь отчитаться
    3) 0 || make sure /certain/ быть уверенным или удостовериться; have you made sure of the facts (of the timetable, of the results, etc.)? вы проверили факты и т. д.?, вы убеждены в правильности фактов и т. д.?; if you want to make sure of a seat you had better book in advance если вы хотите наверняка иметь билет, закажите его заранее / заблаговременно/; first they made sure of him сначала они [проверили его и] убедились в его надежности; I want to make sure of catching her (of getting there in time, of having a good seat, of his answering the letter, etc.) я хочу быть уверенным, что застану ее и т. д.,make sure that the letter was delivered (that the doors are locked, that there is no one here, etc.) убедиться, что письмо доставлено и т. д.; will you please make sure that they are all here? проверьте, пожалуйста, все ли она пришли; I made certain that he would do so я был уверен, что он так и поступит; make bold осмеливаться; make bold to ask a favour (to call on you, to express my opinion, etc.) осмелиться просить об одолжении и т. д.; I make bold to say that he knows nothing about it осмелюсь утверждать, что он ничего об этом не знает; make light of smth. не придавать чему-л. особого значения; she made light of her troubles (of this accident, of a situation, of other people's illness, etc.) она легко относится к своим неприятностям и т. д., она особенно не переживает из-за своих неприятностей и т. д.; make ready подготовиться; make merry веселиться; make merry over his victory радоваться /веселиться/ по случаю его победы; make free with smth. пользоваться чем-л., не стесняясь
    13. XVI
    1) make after smb. make after the fox (after the rabbit, after the escaped convict, etc.) броситься /пуститься/ преследовать лису и т. д., she made after him like a mad woman она как безумная бросилась за ним; in the morning we made after them утром мы пустились за ними вслед; make at smb. he gave a shout and made at me он издал крик и (на)бросился на меня; the dog made at the postman собака накинулась на почтальона; the angry woman made at me with her umbrella рассерженная женщина (накинулась на меня с зонтиком; make for /toward/ smb., smth. make for the crowd (for the sea, for the nearest town, toward a distant hill, for home, etc.) двигаться по направлению /направляться/ к толпе и т. д., he quickly made for /toward/ the door он бросился к двери; she made for the sound of guns она пошла туда, откуда раздавались выстрелы; the dog made for the robber собака бросилась за грабителем; make for the open sea направиться в открытое море
    2) make on smth. coll. make on this business (on shares, on oil, etc.) заработать на этом деле и т. д., he made pretty handsomely on that bargain он неплохо заработал /нажился/ на этой сделке
    3) 0 make for smth. make for better understanding between countries ( for the happiness of all, for a friendly atmosphere in the club, for peace, for stability of marriage, etc.) способствовать лучшему взаимопониманию между странами и т. д.; does early rising make for good health? полезно ли для здоровья рано вставать?; that weather makes for optimism в такую погоду и настроение хорошее; new facts made for the prisoner's acquittal новые факты ускорили вынесение /помогли вынесению/ оправдательного приговора заключенному; make against smth. experience makes against this assertion опыт опровергает это утверждение; your behaviour makes against your chance of success ваше поведение не способствует /мешает/ вашему успеху
    14. XXI1
    1) make smth. out of /from, of, with/ smth. make bottles out of glass (bricks of clay, flour from wheat, a box out of a bit of mahogany, etc.) делать бутылки из стекла и т. д., make wreaths of daisies плести венки из маргариток; make a megaphone of one's hands сложить руки рупором; the cake was spoilt as she made it with a bad egg торт был испорчен, так как она положила в тесто несвежее яйцо; what do you make with flour (with the eggs, with these things, etc.)? что вы делаете из муки и т. д.?; what will you make with all these flowers? что вы будете делать с таким количеством цветов?; what can you make out of this stuff? что ты можешь сделать / сшить/ из этого материала?; make smth. in smth. make a hole in the ground выкопать яму в земле; make a gap in the hedge проделать лаз /дыру/ в изгороди; it made a hole /а dent/ in my savings (in my reserves, in smb.'s finances, etc.) от этого пострадали мои сбережения и т. д., make smth. for smth. make an opening for the wires сделать входное отверстие для проводов; make a hole for a tree выкопать яму под дерево; he made a bookcase for his apartment он сам сделал в своей квартире книжный шкаф; make smth. into smth. make milk into cheese and butter (hide into leather, wood into pulp, etc.) перерабатывать молоко на масло и сыр и т. д.; make these huts into temporary houses (it into a stock company, the desert into a garden, etc.) превращать эти хижины во временное жилье и т. д., make these books into bundles связать книги в пачки; make a story into a play переделать повесть в пьесу
    2) make smth. of smb. make an example of smb. ставить кого-л. в пример; make fun of smb. подшучивать или издеваться над кем-л.; make a laughing-stock of smb. сделать кого-л. посмешищем, выставлять кого-л. в смешном виде; make a fool /an ass/ of him (of her husband, etc.) делать из него и т. д. дурака; make a fool (a beast, a pig, etc.) of oneself вести себя как дурак и т. д., make a nuisance of oneself надоедать /докучать, досаждать/ кому-л.; make an exhibition /а spectacle, a show/ of oneself привлекать к себе внимание; make smth. of smth. make a profession of smth. сделать что-л. своей профессией; make a business of politics заниматься политикой профессионально; make a parade / a show/ of one's talents щеголять /кичиться/ своими талантами; make a boast of smth. хвастаться / хвалиться/ чем-л.; make a secret of smth. делать из чего-л. тайну /секрет/; he was asked to help but he made a hash /a muddle, a mess/ of everything его просили помочь, а он все испортил; make hell of smb.'s life превратить чью-л. жизнь в ад; make a note of his telephone number записать номер его телефона; make notes of a lecture записать лекцию; you must make a mental note of what he is saying вы должны запомнить /взять на заметку/, что он говорят; don't make a habit of it смотри, чтобы это не превратилось в привычку; make the most of smth. максимально использовать что-л.; make the best of one's delay (of this scanty information, of his absence, etc.) наилучшим образом /наиболее эффективно/ использовать задержку и т. д.; make a good thing of it извлечь из этого пользу; make good use of this opportunity воспользоваться предоставившейся возможностью; make a good (a bad) job of smth. хорошо (плохо) справиться с чем-л.; make smth. for smb., smth. make a name for oneself стать известным; make a reputation for oneself создать себе репутацию; make allowance (s) for circumstances (for smb.'s inexperience, for her age, etc.) делать скидку на обстоятельства и т. д.; make arrangements for a meeting (for a party, for a dance, for their departure, etc.) подготовить собрание и т. д., make much for the peace of the world много сделать для сохранения мира; make smb., smth. with smb. make friends with smb. подружиться с кем-л., наладить с кем-л. дружеские отношения; а quarrel with smb. поссориться с кем-л.; make peace with smb. помириться с кем-л.; make smth. in (on, etc.) smth., smb. make a name in the world снискать мировую славу, приобрести известность во всем мире; make an impression on smb. производить на кого-л. впечатление; make war upon smb., smth. a) идти войной на кого-л., что-л.; б) вести войну с кем-л., чем-л. || make love to smb. а) ласкать кого-л., заниматься любовью с кем-л., б) ухаживать за кем-л.; говорить кому-л. ласковые слова
    3) make smb. of smb. his parents want to make a doctor (a lawyer, a soldier, an actor, etc.) of their son родители хотят, чтобы их сын стал врачом и т. д., make a man of him сделать из него человека; make a friend of her children подружиться с ее детьми; make a friend of an enemy превратить врага в друга; make smb. into smb. make them into slaves (him into a bully, her into a sophisticated hostess, etc.) превратить их в /сделать из них/ рабов и т. д.
    4) make smth. over smth. make a fuss (a row, a scandal, etc.) over smth. поднимать шум и т. д. по какому-л. поводу; make a to-do over a trifle поднимать шумиху из-за пустяка
    5) make smth. for smth. make a dash for the open window (a bolt for the door, a bee-line for the gates, etc.) броситься к открытому окну и т. д., make smth. to smth. make one's way to the station (to the river, to the house, back to the tower, etc.) пойти /направиться/ к станции и т. д., make smth. by smth. make the crossing by ferry переправиться на пароме; make smth. at smb. make a grab at him попытаться схватить его || it's time we were making tracks for home нам уже пора повернуть к дому
    6) make some distance in some time we made the whole distance in ten days мы прошли весь путь /покрыли все расстояние/ за десять дней; we've made 80 miles since noon с полудня мы проделали восемьдесят миль
    7) make smth. in some time the train will make Moscow in five hours поезд будет в Москве через пять часов
    8) make smth. at /in/ smth. make good grades at school получать [в школе] хорошие отметки, хорошо учиться; make the highest score in the match получать в этом матче больше всех очков /самый лучший результат/; make one's way in the world преуспеть, добиться успеха || coll. he'll make it through college ему удастся окончить колледж; he made six towns on this trip во время этой поездки он посетил шесть городов /побывал в шести городах/
    9) make smth. by (out of, from, in, etc.) smth. make a good deal by it хорошо на этом заработать; make much profit out of this undertaking извлекать большую выгоду из этого предприятия; he made a great fortune out of tea он составил большое состояние на торговле чаем; make a great deal of money in oil много заработать на нефти; make a living from literary work зарабатывать [на жизнь] литературным трудом; make a loss on the transaction потерпеть /понести/ убытки на этой сделке
    10) make smth. of smth., smb. read this letter and tell me what you make of it прочтите это письмо и скажите, как вы его расцениваете; what do you make of the new assistant? какое у тебя впечатление /что ты думаешь/ о новом помощнике?; make much of this article ( of her work, of this man, etc.) быть высокого мнения об этой статье и т. д., newspapers made much of his achievements газеты превозносили его успехи; she makes too much of the boy уж слишком она носится с этим мальчиком; make little of smth., smb. относиться пренебрежительно к чему-л., кому-л., не считаться с чем-л., кем-л.; he made little of his feat он принижал значение своего героического поступка
    11) make smth. of smth. I could make nothing of his words (of all this scribble, of her letter, etc.) я ничего не мог понять из его слов и т. д., его слова были мне совершенно непонятны и т. д., you will make more of it than I вы в этом лучше разберетесь [, чем я]; I can make no sense of what he says я не вижу никакого смысла в том, что он говорит; what are we to make of his behaviour? как нам следует /нам прикажете/ понимать его поведение?
    12) make smth. with smb. they made a bargain with him они заключили с ним сделку || make a settlement on smb. распорядиться имуществом в пользу кого-л.
    13) semiaux make smth. for smb. make room for smb. [подвинуться и] дать кому-л. место; can you make room for one more man? найдется место еще для одного человека?; make way for others посторониться, дать дорогу другим; make smth. at smb. he made a face at them он состроил им рожу; don't make eyes at him не строй ему глазки
    14) 0 make smth. in some time he will make a sergeant in six months через шесть месяцев он станет сержантом
    15. XXII
    1) make smth. of doing smth. make a practice of working in his garden in the morning (of helping others, of doing his exercises in front of an open window, etc.) взять за правило по утрам работать в его саду и т. д.; he makes a practice of cheating он всегда обманывает; make a point of being on time у него принцип make не опаздывать /быть пунктуальным/; she made it a point of being very patient with these children она особенно старалась быть терпеливой с этими детьми
    2) make smth. by doing smth. make one's living by giving piano lessons (by writing books for children, by selling flowers, etc.) зарабатывать на жизнь уроками игры на фортепиано и т. д.; she makes money by nursing она зарабатывает деньги, ухаживая за больными; she made her name by writing memoirs она прославилась своими мемуарами
    16. XXIV1
    || make it as smb. coll. добиться успеха, будучи кем-л.; I wanted to make it as a writer мне хотелось добиться успеха на писательском поприще
    17. XXVI
    make smth. [that]... this makes the fifth time you've failed this examination ты уже [в] пятый раз проваливаешься на этом экзамене

    English-Russian dictionary of verb phrases > make

  • 13 undesirable

    1. n нежелательное лицо
    2. n презр. тёмная личность; подозрительный тип
    3. a нежелательный; неприятный
    4. a неподходящий, неудобный
    5. a подозрительный, сомнительный
    Синонимический ряд:
    1. coarse (adj.) coarse; low; vulgar
    2. objectionable (adj.) disagreeable; exceptionable; ill-favored; inadmissible; inappropriate; objectionable; unacceptable; undesired; uninvited; unsought; unsuitable; unwanted; unwelcome; unwished-for
    3. unattractive (adj.) annoying; defective; disliked; frustrating; inexpedient; repulsive; ugly; unattractive; uninviting
    4. outcast (noun) outcast; pariah
    Антонимический ряд:
    acceptable; sophisticated

    English-Russian base dictionary > undesirable

  • 14 Art

       Portugal did not produce an artist of sufficient ability to gain recognition outside the country until the 19th century. Domingos Antônio Segueira (1768-1837) became well known in Europe for his allegorical religious and historical paintings in a neoclassical style. Portuguese painting during the 19th century emphasized naturalism and did not keep abreast of artistic innovations being made in other European countries. Portugal's best painters lived abroad especially in France. The most successful was Amadeo Souza- Cardoso who, while living in Paris, worked with the modernists Modigliani, Georges Braque, and Juan Gris. Souza-Cardoso introduced modernism into Portuguese painting in the early 20th century. A sustained modernist movement did not develop in Portugal, however. Naturalism remained the dominant school, and Portugal remained isolated from international artistic trends, owing to Portugal's conservative artistic climate, which prevented new forms of art from taking root, and the lack of support from an artistically sophisticated, art-buying elite supported by a system of galleries and foundations.
       Interestingly, it was during the conservative Estado Novo that modernism began to take root in Portugal. As Prime Minister Antônio de Oliveira Salazar's secretary for national propaganda, Antônio Ferro, a writer, journalist, and cultural leader who admired Mussolini, encouraged the government to allow modern artists to create the heroic imagery of the Estado Novo following the Italian model that linked fascism with futurism. The most important Portuguese artist of this period was Almada Negreiros, who did the murals on the walls of the legendary café A Brasileira in the Chiado district of Lisbon, the paintings at the Exposition of the Portuguese World (1940), and murals at the Lisbon docks. Other artists of note during this period included Mário Eloy (1900-51), who was trained in Germany and influenced by George Grosz and Otto Dix; Domingos Alvarez (1906-42); and Antônio Pedro (1909-66).
       During the 1950s, the Estado Novo ceased to encourage artists to collaborate, as Portuguese artists became more critical of the regime. The return to Portugal of Antônio Pedro in 1947 led to the emergence of a school of geometric abstract painting in Oporto and the reawakening of surrealism. The art deco styles of the 1930s gave way to surrealism and abstract expression.
       In the 1960s, links between Portugal's artistic community and the international art world strengthened. Conscription for the wars against the nationalist insurgencies in Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea- Bissau (1961-75) resulted in a massive exodus of Portugal's avante-garde artists to Europe to avoid military service. While abroad, artists such as Joaquin Rodrigo (1912-93), Paula Rego (1935-), João Cutileiro (1947-), and others forged links with British, French, Italian, and Spanish artistic communities.
       The Revolution of 25 April 1974 created a crisis for Portugal's artists. The market for works of art collapsed as left-wing governments, claiming that they had more important things to do (eliminate poverty, improve education), withdrew support for the arts. Artists declared their talents to be at the "service of the people," and a brief period of socialist realism prevailed. With the return of political stability and moderate governments during the 1980s, Portugal's commercial art scene revived, and a new period of creativity began. Disenchantment with the socialist realism (utopianism) of the Revolution and a deepening of individualism began to be expressed by Portuguese artists. Investment in the arts became a means of demonstrating one's wealth and social status, and an unprecedented number of art galleries opened, art auctions were held, and a new generation of artists became internationally recognized. In 1984, a museum of modern art was built by the Gulbenkian Foundation adjacent to its offices on the Avenida de Berna in Lisbon. A national museum of modern art was finally built in Oporto in 1988.
       In the 1980s, Portugal's new generation of painters blended post-conceptualism and subjectivism, as well as a tendency toward decon-structionism/reconstructionism, in their work. Artists such as Cabrita Reis (1956-), Pedro Calapez (1953-), José Pedro Croft (1957-), Rui Sanches (1955-), and José de Guimarães (1949-) gained international recognition during this period. Guimarães crosses African art themes with Western art; Sarmento invokes images of film, culture, photography, American erotica, and pulp fiction toward sex, violence, and pleasure; Reis evolved from a painter to a maker of installation artist using chipboard, plaster, cloth, glass, and electrical and plumbing materials.
       From the end of the 20th century and during the early years of the 21st century, Portugal's art scene has been in a state of crisis brought on by a declining art trade and a withdrawal of financial support by conservative governments. Although not as serious as the collapse of the 1970s, the current situation has divided the Portuguese artistic community between those, such as Cerveira Pito and Leonel Moura, who advocate a return to using primitive, strongly textured techniques and others such as João Paulo Feliciano (1963-), who paint constructivist works that poke fun at the relationship between art, money, society, and the creative process. Thus, at the beginning of the 21st century, the factors that have prevented Portuguese art from achieving and sustaining international recognition (the absence of a strong art market, depending too much on official state support, and the individualistic nature of Portuguese art production) are still to be overcome.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Art

  • 15 Polhem, Christopher

    [br]
    b. 18 December 1661 Tingstade, Gotland, Sweden d. 1751
    [br]
    Swedish engineer and inventor.
    [br]
    He was the eldest son of Wolf Christopher Polhamma, a merchant. The father died in 1669 and the son was sent by his stepfather to an uncle in Stockholm who found him a place in the Deutsche Rechenschule. After the death of his uncle, he was forced to find employment, which he did with the Biorenklou family near Uppsala where he eventually became a kind of estate bailiff. It was during this period that he started to work with a lathe, a forge and at carpentry, displaying great technical ability. He realized that without further education he had little chance of making anything of his life, and accordingly, in 1687, he registered at the University of Uppsala where he studied astronomy and mathematics, remaining there for three years. He also repaired two astronomical pendulum clocks as well as the decrepit medieval clock in the cathedral. After a year's work he had this clock running properly: this was his breakthrough. He was summoned to Stockholm where the King awarded him a salary of 500 dalers a year as an encouragement to further efforts. Around this time, one of increasing mechanization and when mining was Sweden's principal industry, Pohlem made a model of a hoist frame for mines and the Mines Authority encouraged him to develop his ideas. In 1693 Polhem completed the Blankstot hoist at the Stora Kopparberg mine, which attracted great interest on the European continent.
    From 1694 to 1696 Polhem toured factories, mills and mines abroad in Germany, Holland, England and France, studying machinery of all kinds and meeting many foreign engineers. In 1698 he was appointed Director of Mining Engineering in Sweden, and in 1700 he became Master of Construction in the Falu Mine. He installed the Karl XII hoist there, powered by moving beams from a distant water-wheel. His plan of 1697 for all the machinery at the Falu mine to be driven by three large and remote water-wheels was never completed.
    In 1707 he was invited by the Elector of Hanover to visit the mines in the Harz district, where he successfully explained many of his ideas which were adopted by the local engineers. In 1700, in conjunction with Gabriel Stierncrona, he founded the Stiersunds Bruk at Husby in Southern Dalarna, a factory for the mass production of metal goods in iron, steel and bronze. Simple articles such as pans, trays, bowls, knives, scissors and mirrors were made there, together with the more sophisticated Polhem lock and the Stiersunds clock. Production was based on water power. Gear cutting for the clocks, shaping hammers for plates, file cutting and many other operations were all water powered, as was a roller mill for the sheet metal used in the factory. He also designed textile machinery such as stocking looms and spinning frames and machines for the manufacture of ribbons and other things.
    In many of his ideas Polhem was in advance of his time and Swedish country society was unable to absorb them. This was largely the reason for the Stiersund project being only a partial success. Polhem, too, was of a disputatious nature, self-opinionated almost to the point of conceit. He was a prolific writer, leaving over 20,000 pages of manuscript notes, drafts, essays on a wide range of subjects, which included building, brick-making, barrels, wheel-making, bell-casting, organ-building, methods of stopping a horse from bolting and a curious tap "to prevent serving maids from sneaking wine from the cask", the construction of ploughs and threshing machines. His major work, Kort Berattelse om de Fornamsta Mechaniska Inventioner (A Brief Account of the Most Famous Inventions), was printed in 1729 and is the main source of knowledge about his technological work. He is also known for his "mechanical alphabet", a collection of some eighty wooden models of mechanisms for educational purposes. It is in the National Museum of Science and Technology in Stockholm.
    [br]
    Bibliography
    1729, Kort Berattelse om de Fornamsta Mechaniska Inventioner (A Brief Account of the Most Famous Inventions).
    Further Reading
    1985, Christopher Polhem, 1661–1751, TheSwedish Daedalus' (catalogue of a travelling exhibition from the Swedish Institute in association with the National Museum of Science and Technology), Stockholm.
    IMcN

    Biographical history of technology > Polhem, Christopher

  • 16 discriminating buyer

    марк. разборчивый покупатель, придирчивый покупатель (покупатель, который очень щепетилен в вопросах качества, стиля и др. характеристик товара; он желает, чтобы все в покупаемом им товаре соответствовало его вкусу; при этом он хорошо осведомлен о всех разновидностях определенного товара на рынке, преимуществах и недостатках той или иной модификации товара, ценах и т. д.)

    There are styles and designs to fit the most discriminating buyer. — Мы предлагаем стили и дизайн, способные удовлетворить даже самого разборчивого покупателя.

    Syn:
    See:

    Англо-русский экономический словарь > discriminating buyer

  • 17 concern

    1. transitive verb
    1) (affect) betreffen

    so far as... is concerned — was... betrifft

    ‘to whom it may concern’ — ≈ "Bestätigung"; (on certificate, testimonial) ≈ "Zeugnis"

    concern oneself with or about something — sich mit etwas befassen

    3) (trouble)

    the news/her health greatly concerns me — ich bin über diese Nachricht tief beunruhigt/ihre Gesundheit bereitet mir große Sorgen

    2. noun
    2) (anxiety) Besorgnis, die; (interest) Interesse, das
    3) (matter) Angelegenheit, die
    4) (firm) Unternehmen, das
    * * *
    [kən'sə:n] 1. verb
    1) (to have to do with: This order doesn't concern us; So far as I'm concerned, you can do what you like.) betreffen
    2) ((with for or about) to make (usually oneself) uneasy: Don't concern yourself about her.) beunruhigen
    3) ((with with or in) to interest (oneself) in: He doesn't concern himself with unimportant details.) sich beschäftigen
    2. noun
    1) (something that concerns or belongs to one: His problems are not my concern.) die Angelegenheit
    2) (anxiety: The condition of the patient is giving rise to concern.) die Sorge
    3) (a business: a shoe-manufacturing concern.) das Unternehmen
    •
    - academic.ru/15009/concerning">concerning
    * * *
    con·cern
    [kənˈsɜ:n, AM -ˈsɜ:rn]
    I. n
    1. (interest) Anliegen nt, Interesse nt; (preoccupation) Sorge f
    the company's sole \concern is to ensure the safety of its employees das Unternehmen ist einzig und allein um die Gewährleistung der Sicherheit seiner Mitarbeiter besorgt
    his \concern to appear sophisticated amused everyone sein [eifriges] Bemühen, kultiviert zu wirken, amüsierte alle
    major \concern Hauptanliegen nt
    2. (worry) Sorge f, Besorgnis f ( about um + akk)
    \concern for the safety of the two missing teenagers is growing die Sorge um die beiden vermissten Teenager wächst beständig
    my \concern is that you're not getting your work done ich mache mir Sorgen, dass du deine Arbeit nicht schaffst
    I have a matter of some \concern that I would like to talk to you about es gibt da ein Problem, über das ich gern mit Ihnen sprechen würde
    there's no cause for \concern es besteht kein Grund zur Sorge
    to give rise to \concern Besorgnis erregend sein
    3. (business) Angelegenheit f
    it's no \concern of mine! das ist nicht meine Angelegenheit!
    that's none of your \concern das geht dich nichts an
    financial \concerns Finanzangelegenheiten
    public \concern öffentliche Angelegenheit
    4. (importance) Wichtigkeit f, Bedeutung f
    ▪ to be of \concern to sb für jdn von Bedeutung sein
    a question of common \concern eine Frage von allgemeinem Interesse
    5. (relation) Beziehung f
    do you have any \concern with telecommunications? haben Sie etwas mit dem Fernmeldewesen zu tun?
    6. (share) Anteil m
    to have a \concern in a business an einem Geschäft beteiligt sein
    7. COMM Konzern m, Unternehmen nt
    family \concern Familienunternehmen nt
    a going \concern ein florierendes Unternehmen
    industrial \concern Industriekonzern m
    8. ( pej fam: gadget) Sache f, Ding nt
    II. vt
    1. (apply to)
    ▪ to \concern sb jdn angehen [o betreffen]; (affect) jdn betreffen
    as far as I'm \concerned was mich anbelangt [o betrifft
    2. (be sb's business)
    ▪ to \concern sb jdn angehen
    to whom it may \concern (certificate) Bescheinigung; (reference) Zeugnis (formelhafte Anrede bei amtlichen Verlautbarungen, die keinen konkreten Adressaten haben)
    ▪ to \concern oneself with sth sich akk mit etw dat befassen
    you don't need to \concern yourself with this matter Sie brauchen sich um diese Angelegenheit nicht zu kümmern
    4. (be about)
    ▪ to \concern sb/sth von jdm/etw dat handeln
    ▪ to be \concerned with sth von etw dat handeln, etw [thematisch] behandeln
    ▪ to \concern sb jdn beunruhigen
    ▪ to \concern oneself sich dat Sorgen machen
    * * *
    [kən'sɜːn]
    1. n
    1)

    (= relation, connection) do you have any concern with banking? — haben Sie etwas mit dem Bankwesen zu tun?

    2) (= business, affair) Angelegenheit(en pl) f; (= matter of interest and importance to sb) Anliegen nt
    3) (COMM) Konzern m → going
    See:
    → going
    4) (= share) Beteiligung f
    5) (= anxiety) Sorge f, Besorgnis f

    the situation in the Middle East is causing concern — die Lage im Nahen Osten ist besorgniserregend

    there's some/no cause for concern — es besteht Grund/kein Grund zur Sorge

    he showed great concern for your safety — er war or zeigte sich (geh)

    don't you feel any concern for the starving millions? — berührt Sie die Tatsache, dass Millionen am Verhungern sind, überhaupt nicht?

    6) (= importance) Bedeutung f

    issues of national concern — Fragen pl von nationalem Interesse

    to be of little/great concern to sb — jdm nicht/sehr wichtig sein

    2. vt
    1) (= be about) handeln von

    the last chapter is concerned with... — das letzte Kapitel behandelt...

    2) (= be the business of, involve) angehen, betreffen; (= affect) betreffen

    that doesn't concern you — das betrifft Sie nicht; (as snub) das geht Sie nichts an

    the countries concerned with oil production — die Länder, die mit der Ölproduktion zu tun haben

    where money/honour is concerned — wenn es um Geld/die Ehre geht

    is it important? – not as far as I'm concerned — ist es denn wichtig? – was mich betrifft nicht

    as far as he is concerned it's just another job, but... — für ihn ist es nur ein anderer Job, aber...

    as far as I'm concerned you can do what you like — von mir aus kannst du tun und lassen, was du willst

    where we are concerned — wo es um uns geht

    who are the people concerned in this report? — wer sind die Leute, um die es in diesem Bericht geht?

    the persons concerned —

    my brother is the most closely concerned the men concerned in the robbery — mein Bruder ist am meisten davon betroffen die in den Überfall verwickelten Männer

    3)

    (= interest) he is only concerned with facts — ihn interessieren nur die Fakten

    I'm not concerned now or I don't want to concern myself now with the economic aspect of the problem — mir geht es jetzt nicht um den ökonomischen Aspekt des Problems

    4)

    (= have at heart) we should be concerned more with or about quality — Qualität sollte uns ein größeres Anliegen sein

    he's not at all concerned with or about her well-being —

    5)

    (= worry usu pass) to be concerned about sth — sich (dat) um etw Sorgen machen, um etw besorgt sein

    I was very concerned to hear about your illness — ich habe mir Sorgen gemacht, als ich von Ihrer Krankheit hörte

    he was concerned by the news —

    I am concerned to hear that... — es beunruhigt mich, dass...

    * * *
    concern [kənˈsɜːn; US -ˈsɜrn]
    A v/t
    1. betreffen, angehen, sich beziehen auf (akk):
    it does not concern me es betrifft mich nicht, es geht mich nichts an;
    as far as I am concerned soweit es mich betrifft, was mich anbelangt;
    to whom it may concern an alle, die es angeht (Überschrift auf Attesten etc)
    2. von Wichtigkeit oder Belang oder Interesse sein für, angehen:
    this problem concerns us all dieses Problem geht uns alle an oder ist für uns alle wichtig;
    your reputation is concerned es geht um deinen Ruf
    3. beunruhigen:
    don’t let that concern you mache dir deswegen keine Sorgen;
    be concerned about ( oder at) sich Sorgen machen wegen;
    be concerned for sb’s safety um jemandes Sicherheit besorgt sein; → concerned 5
    4. interessieren, beschäftigen:
    concern o.s. with ( oder about) sich beschäftigen oder befassen mit;
    be concerned in a plot in eine Verschwörung verwickelt sein; → concerned 2, 3
    B s
    1. Angelegenheit f, Sache f:
    that is your concern das ist Ihre Sache;
    that is no concern of mine das geht mich nichts an;
    the concerns of the nation die Belange der Nation
    2. Geschäft n, Firma f, Unternehmen n:
    first concern Firma, die noch in den Händen der Gründer ist;
    a) ein gut gehendes Unternehmen,
    b) fig eine gut funktionierende Sache
    3. Unruhe f, Sorge f, Besorgnis f (at, about, for wegen, um):
    there is concern es herrscht Besorgnis;
    with deep concern tief beunruhigt
    4. Wichtigkeit f:
    be of no small concern nicht ganz unbedeutend sein, sehr wichtig sein;
    a matter of national concern ein nationales Anliegen
    5. Beziehung f ( with zu):
    have no concern with a matter mit einer Sache nichts zu tun haben
    6. (at, about, for, in, with) Teilnahme f (an dat), Rücksicht f (auf akk), Anteil m (an dat), Interesse n (für):
    feel a concern for Teilnahme empfinden für, sich interessieren für
    7. umg Ding n, Sache f, Geschichte f
    * * *
    1. transitive verb
    1) (affect) betreffen

    so far as... is concerned — was... betrifft

    ‘to whom it may concern’ — ≈ "Bestätigung"; (on certificate, testimonial) ≈ "Zeugnis"

    concern oneself with or about something — sich mit etwas befassen

    the news/her health greatly concerns me — ich bin über diese Nachricht tief beunruhigt/ihre Gesundheit bereitet mir große Sorgen

    2. noun
    2) (anxiety) Besorgnis, die; (interest) Interesse, das
    3) (matter) Angelegenheit, die
    4) (firm) Unternehmen, das
    * * *
    (at, about, for) n.
    Sorge -n (wegen, um) f.
    Unruhe -n f. (with) n.
    Beziehung (zu) f. n.
    Angelegenheit f.
    Anteil -e m.
    Besorgnis f.
    Ding -e n.
    Firma Firmen f.
    Geschichte f.
    Geschäft -e n.
    Interesse n.
    Rücksicht f.
    Sache -n f.
    Teilnahme f.
    Unternehmen n.
    Wichtigkeit f. v.
    betreffen v.
    zustimmen v.

    English-german dictionary > concern

  • 18 man of the world

    (a sophisticated man who is not likely to be shocked or surprised by most things: You can speak freely - we're all men of the world.) hombre de mundo
    hombre nombre masculino de mundo

    English-spanish dictionary > man of the world

  • 19 man of the world

    (a sophisticated man who is not likely to be shocked or surprised by most things: You can speak freely - we're all men of the world.) heimsmaður

    English-Icelandic dictionary > man of the world

  • 20 man of the world

    (a sophisticated man who is not likely to be shocked or surprised by most things: You can speak freely - we're all men of the world.) világfi

    English-Hungarian dictionary > man of the world

Страницы

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